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izibongo zulu praise poems pdf

izibongo zulu praise poems pdf

December 2nd, 2020


Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1967. But a foreign ruler governing from without was incompatible with the traditional political model: he could neither represent nor be part of the people, nor could his decision-making be influenced in the required ways, nor would he feel obliged to follow the sensitively, l9 This seems generally true, but particularly worthwhile highlighting in an African, context since the conceptual duality creating this field of tension has, in my view, been, largely repressed or neglected in Africanist discourse. Wiredu, K. 1997. To summarize: the concept of rebellion indirectly marks a basic principle of Zulu politics which I would like to call good or rather reasorzable rulersl7ip. Zulu praise poems. As observed, ruler and ruled have power claims over one another, both linked to the idea of a common social identity and an obligation to the common good. Such 'poetic licence' is not the privilege of a specific social group, such as is constituted by the specialist izimbongi, but is granted to every subject who utters criticism in the prescribed form: 'it is not the poet who is licensed by the literary conventions of society; it is the poem' (Vail & White 1991: 56). Hountondji 1983a, 1983b), in regard to the historical reconstruction of philosophical traditions as well as in respect to political philosophy, a discussion of basic aesthetic principles in social life, the 'ethical discourse' in artistic language and possibly other topics. The pauses he needs to take breath (after a praise-name, but varying according to imbongi) create the basic units of verses and stanzas. '3 Izibongo, meaning 'praise names' or 'praise poem' (a collection of praise names), is a pluralis tantutn built from isibongo.Vilakazi (ibid.) Order and Rebellion in Tribal Africa. by M. Bloch, pp. He is still 'praiser, critic, educator, mediator and political commentator' (Kashula 1991: 38/39; cf. For this, izibongo-poetry, as oral art, is a crucial instrument -and much more. You can add additional Zulu Clan Names (izithakazelo) and the history of each clan name that you know of. We haven't found any reviews in the usual places. See also Cope (1968: 24); Rycroft (1974: 56). Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press. In general, and definitely in the context of this paper, it points to the minimal discursive presuppositions for something like 'peaceful' social life in a specific cultural context. Les poèmes de ce recueil furent notés en zoulou au début du siècle par un magistrat, James Stuart. Thus, while it seems perfectly sound to emphasize that poetic licerrce grants the right of public criticism to everyone, and thus each mernber of society is i~z poterltial a 'conscience of the nation' (Mafeje 1967), it seems nevertheless right to treat those who do use the fonn and in this way become involved in political action as in reality more relevant persottificutiot~s of such a conscience than those who do not. Both are at the same time inherent in the poetical language used. submitting to power and thereby reaffirming it. In the southern African and specifically the Zulu context, earlier ethnographies only hinted at the political significance of izibongo (Krige 1936, Bryant 1949) or even left it aside (Gluck~nan 1940 etc.). If this paper has been able to encourage sensitivity towards this interdisciplinary field in which history, literature and anthropology are mutually dependent on one another, or to provide a reliable starting point for further theoretically interested and empirically rooted research, its purpose has been fulfilled. To stress that the licence originates in the form is indeed important, but one has to concede that people making especially extensive use of this form naturally and rightfully become associated with the licence involved. As such it represents social identity and can be used for 'tracing kinship relationship and genealogy. A similar transformation in the use of the izibongo form can be observed in the most recent decades where the focus of reference has to a large extent undergone a shift from the ethnically bound to the national, South African realm. This clearly supports the position that ritual action follows the ruling ideology. African Lailguuge Studies 15: 55-79. Post navigation . The term izibongois derived from the verb bonga which means mainly 'to praise,' and also 'to thank,' 'to worship' (Grant 1937: 85; Rycroft & Ngcobo 1988: 12), as well as 'to give clan name or kinship. Other editions - View all. London: James Currey . Inyon' edl' ezinye. Oral Literature in Africa. I am well aware that a full command of Zulu and fieldwork in Zulu society could only have added to my treatment of this topic. In Barber and de Moraes Farias (1989), pp. While in the case of izibongo the freedom of expression in verbal art is linked to and restrained by social obligation and as such is following an appeal (by responding to and re-creating normative expectations), social obligation in ritual action is characterized by the opposite of freedom: following an order. This kind of presentation of the praised already contains an ambiguity, central to the further analysis of the social mediative functions of izibongo of rulers: Shaka's strength, power and wilful killing can in this depiction be said to be lauded as well as indirectly criticized. Custom and Conflict in Africa. l2 'Magical' here marks the shift of meaning that poetical language is able to effect, through the sensitive choice of apposite terms employed to reconstruct life, which, when successful, creates the impression of presence. Looking back, however, it is striking to see that this has not always been adequately acknowledged by anthropology. 17: Transcription . Regulative issues in society are dealt with by power or by reason. 1963. Replies. On the other hand, due to this direct relationship to power, izibongo have also been used as ideological instruments of those 'black' South Africans in coalition with 'white power.' 2.3Social functions (i): mal~ping experience, sl~eakit~g sense. The greater the social significance involved, however, the greater the skill of praising needed for an adequate representation. Imbongi in profile. The study concludes that the traditional Zulu woman felt depressed by this Thus, the izibongo of rulers have a special status and constitute aesthetically the most highly appreciated sub-genre. (Special issue: 'Literary Theory and Criticism of H.I.E. A certain transsubstantive effect is possible since each performance follows a perpetuative motion of social 'self-assertion' -like the 'Amen' in Althusser's description of Christian ideology (1971: 169). Extremely remarkable in this sense is a passage of outright criticism of even the quasi-almighty Shaka for having committed a massacre against the Langeni clan as a revenge for bad treatment there during his childhood days: Ngobawadly ~BhebheumntakaNcumela ngakwonyokolume. The clan name is called an isibongo,and is mostly identical with the name of the founder of a clan. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968. 4.2. Hountondji, P.J. Zulu praise-poems.Collected by James Stuart. And the order that is affirmed might indeed be called 'traditional authority,' but with inverted meaning: flexible, created by social discourse and, in a way, the power of the people. London: Hutchinson. This shift from 'tribe' to 'nation' was reflected in the poetical imagery of the izibongo: bolder methaphors and symbols than before were used in order to create a wider and more powerful image of the growing community -'elephant' and 'lion' instead of birds and antelopes as dominant symbols for the rulers. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press. KAI KRESSE can be corltacted at Departmerlt of the Languages arld Cultures of Africa, SOAS, Tlzortzhaugh Street, Lotzdorl WClH OXG, or by emuil to kk28@soas.ac.uk . 1984. shaka zulu. For someone lacking that social knowledge, the tall grass in Shaka's izibongo,for example, could never be understood as the growing danger of a conspiracy (Nyembezi 1948: 121). Sundkler, B. (oxford Library of African Literature). Common terms and phrases. Reasonable rulership is thus the reverse side of the constantly redefined notion of a principal corzsensus on the basic rules of Zulu society, marking social norms as social norms and the common good as 'common' and 'good. In Lerlin and Philosophy and otlzer essays, idem, pp. Dhlomo'.) In Africa, this is especially important since discursive (predominantly reasonable and explicitly rational) traditions have largely not been a focus of enquiry -with some admirable exceptions. In terms of verbal art, it is thus by the skill and complexity of the language used to mark the social significance of historical invocations involved -through references to earlier kings, royal ancestors, whose praises are often quoted or referred to in praises of the current ruler -that a differentiation between izibongo of the common people and those of kings, rulers and leaders reflects their difference in social life. 1959. In Barber and da Moraes Farias (1989), pp. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter&Shooter. rituals (ncwala) still occuring in the Swazi kingdom. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mzamane, M.V. Oxford: Blackwell. Shona Praise Poetry. But with the conditions for an all-over stabilizing effect of the, 22 As remarked above with reference to Vilakazi and Dhlomo. In this way, it often leads to a dramatic representation of a current social incident which it publicly marks as noteworthy, and comments on it. the appearance, in 1968, of Cope's book on Zulu oral poetry (izibongo), for example, Douglas Mzolo9 has contributed significantly to our knowledge of Zulu 7 G . Thirty years later it can be said that izibongohave retained their status of mediating political power in form of praise and criticism. Emmett, T. 1979. 'Rebels were not seeking to establish a different kind of political society,' but 'to re-establish the kingship in all its ideals' (Gluckman 1959: 43). While in art, the framework of possible 'formalizations' (stylistic, expressive means) is predetermined, it seems significant that the actual meaningful acts of expression, i.e. sought 'through poetic expression' (White 1989: 38). ), pp. Opland (1984), Mafeje (1967), and Kashula, (1991, 1993) give exan~ples of Xhosa bards being harassed by the authorities for their. Such a discursive society can be called pluralistic at least in principle (poetic licence granting practically everyone the right to speak up), thus we may have, in the case of the Zulu, an African example where, under the surface of authoritarian, person-centred rule, a specific form of 'pluralism' (cf. Eze, pp. Assonances (arising from the noun-classes common to Bantu languages) dominate, and a mark of literary quality is diverse forms of 'linking,', i.e. The basic structure of izibongo is a succession of praise names. See Ndaba. Apart from (theoretically) shielding, Is The content and status of the respective, temporarily valid social conceptions of and, discourses on truth and justice in Zulu (or other southern African) societies throughout, history could possibly be explicated in a careful interpretation of various izibongo.A, philosophical dimension concerned with basic regulative concepts of African societies, -currently called for by African philosophers working on this context (Wiredu 1997), and anthropologists concerned with a relational orientation for anthropological, knowledge (Moore 1996) -could be added to the historical dimension opened up by. The physical presence of imbongi and audience is always part of izibongo's 'taking place,' and it could be argued that through a kind of magical power of poetical words12 in the act of 'speaking-out the past' a socially meaningful metaphorical presence of history is created, just as is done for the ancestors whose names are recited in order to make them present. In terms of politics, it is the latter who have traditionally been central to the political discourse and the dialectics of power within society (Gunner & Gwala 1991: 28-29). This seems undisputed. Only by 'praising what is worthy and decrying what is unworthy' can a full picture of social life be given, only then will the imbongi be acknowledged as someone, l1 This is how izibongo have been used in schools. This essay, while not focusing, centrally on the concept of consensus, can be seen as working in such a direction. Find more information about: ISBN: 0198151241 9780198151241: OCLC Number: 468421: Language Note: Parallel English and Zulu text, with English commentary. 'Ritual' licence to rebel however includes no factual freedom to raise protest or criticism of the ruler. Sole, K. 1987. l4, 3.1. Criticizing, the negative counterpart of praising has, like praising, if less obviously, been a constantly inherent element of izibongo. They are, however, always situated within public ceremonies -also called 'secular rituals' (Falk-Moore & Myerhoff 1977: 21) and take place in ritual context. by C.A. Gluckman developed the idea of 'licence in ritual' when observing that certain normally forbidden actions were allowed, and even required to be performed, within certain 'political' rituals.18 He classified the 'inverted action' taking place as the expression of usually suppressed protest against the ruler, who is symbolically overthrown and subjected in a ritually enacted 'rebellion.' See e.g. D.P. Praise-Poems ofTswana Chiefs (Oxford Clarendo Press The 'ear-rhymes' so created are acoustic counterparts to the repetitions on the level of the contents. On ceremonial occasions, whether marriage, funeral, sacrifice, calling on the ancestral spirits, formal reception of an honoured guest, festivals of the whole community, the recitation of praise poetry is a constitutive element of the event itself. 1965. London: Heinemann. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 55s. : 22), during which the subjected peoples were integrated into the emerging 'Zulu nation,' implied the need for the construction of a larger identity. Wiredu 1997). But izibongo performance enforces an overall process of reaffirmation of social identity as we11;22 and this social foundation of izibongo aesthetics is reaffirmed in each recitation -'symbolization.' Later, much material was published on praise-poetry of the Tswana, Zulu, Sotho, and Shona (Shapera 1965, Cope 1968. Tambiah, S.J. Finnegan, R. 1970. Zulu Africa, african music, Battlefields, ... Video: Izibongo Zenkosi uSenzangakhona kaJama {Senzangakhona praise poem} Video: Izibongo zeSilo uShaka kaSenzangakhona {King Shaka’s praise poem} How does virginity testing, the annual Royal Reed Dance benefit our girls…why do we continue to raise our boys differently? Evolving out of Zulu ethnographical context, Gluckman's differentiation between ceremonial and ritual action is linked to 'mystical notions,' able to influence the outcome of events, which distinguish ritual action only. Parallel English and Zulu text, with English commentary. Fortune , 'Frames for compariso n and contrast i Shona poetry' Limi (1977) V 67-74 8 See , o n Tswana I. Schapera (ed.) 185- 196. 1996. [First published Native Teachers' Jounlal, April 1948, pp. Othandayoahl' amzel'ekhaya. Izibongo: Zulu Praise-Poems, collected by James Stuart, translated by Daniel Malcolm. James Stuart, Anthony Trevor Cope. The 'rituals of rebellion' disappeared from the Zulu scene with the advent of 'white' rule (bringing 'revolution' against rulership as a new option), probably since the common social basis of reasonable rulership had become obsolete in the political reality of social life. (Monographs in Social Anthropology 58). Thus, the freedom to take certain exceptional actions here is linked to the obligation of taking part in a more or less strictly prescribed performance of such actions. 1971. Symbol, song, dance and features of articulation: is religion a traditional form of authority? But, as can already be seen, this appreciation does not operate in the sense of a purely aesthetic gaze, consuming this art form as l'arr pour l'art, it arises from the fact that a relevant 'map of experience' (Vail & White 1991 : 40ff) of society has been created, publicly performed, and has thereby reaffirmed communal identity. Both acts of submission, which are aimed at one another and thus interdependent, are linked to the ultimate principle of 'good rulership.' The outstanding status of izibongo in Zulu literature and social life is most categorically stated by H.I.E. Africa South 2 (I): 97-105. Tlzis is not only due to the logical possibilities of wordplay, (i.e. African Oral Literature, ed. Cope (1968: 38-50), following M. Kunene; for a more detailed survey of the linguistic foundations of the poetical figures see Doke (1948). Izibongo: Zulu Praise Poetns. English in Africa 6 (1): 72-8 1. 0 Reviews. This 'signalization' happens on the approachable plane of aesthetics. In the first case, the multiplicity of possible meanings expresses freedom of art as well as it reflects freedom in society, while in the second the strategic univocal use of langugae indicates restraint and may announce a possible breakdown of freedom and society. Dhlomo, who called them 'the essence of our being, the meaning of our name,' and claimed that 'they can only live through us, and we through them' (1 977: 59). 1938. Appadurai, A. This reference-point for normative orientation seems to be constant in varying historical contexts. Knowledge remains confined to the two levels of the descriptive and the normative, but two competing modes of evaluative language can be used on the latter level in order to approach and make claims for 'the just': ideological speech and reasonable speech. The Life of Shaka Zulu 543 Words Bartleby. However, Gluckman still calls ceremonial action 'a type of ritualization,' characterized by the concrete reference to 'particular social relationships' (1959: 1 19- 120). The scope of the various types of izibongo is wide, but united in 'naming, identifying, and therefore giving significance to the named person or object,' in a specific, aesthetically acknowledged way (Gunner & Gwala 1991: 2). In their task of achieving an adequate depiction of society, apart from truth and justice, izibongo also transmit the powerful and the reasonable as defined by current social discourse. Democracy and consensus in traditional African politics: a plea for a non-party polity. In Power, Marginality and Afr-icatz Oral Literature, ed. English in Africa 20 (1): 65-76. With increased knowledge about the complexity of aesthetics in oral art, research on African literature has surpassed the initial stage of merely collecting political aspects as part of the 'background' information (cf. Edition Notes Bibliographical footnotes. Doke, C.M. If the discussion of poetic licence had to be linked to freedom of speech, 'ritual licence' must be discussed in the light of freedom of action. 92-1 12. In both cases, past life is re-presented as 'being there.' Songs of innocence and experience: women as composers and performers of izibongo, Zulu praise poetry. Pp. On the other hand, a commentary on his nilership is mediated back from the people to the ruler, who in his status is traditionally dependent upon public opinion (Krige 1936: 219). The irnbongi is at the same time a sort of special advisor or counsellor to the king, whom he traditionally had to stay and live near (ibid. In this way, a culturally distinct social use of nzetaphors (cf. Edited with introduction and annotations by Trevor Cope. Here, the imbongi can be related to another central figure of social mediation, the isangoma,or diviner (Cope 1968: 21). Common features point at an interdependence of power between the ruler and the people, between whiclz the poet (and praise-poetq~ on the whole) mediates, reconciling their interests for the common good of society. 1977. In regard to Southern African praise-poetry, this is common practice (e.g. Appiah 1997), is itself constituted by interrelations with other fields of social communication. Masolo, pp. 1959. In ritual, rebellion is only metaphorically enacted, symbolizing the principle of the people's rule. Les traductions de Daniel Malcolm, de l'Université du Natal, furent reprises, après sa mort survenue en 1962, par son collègue de la même université, Trevor Cope, qui présente ici, avec les textes originaux et la traduction en regard, un choix de vingt-six éloges (sur les deux cent cinquante- huit de la collection Stuart). African Philosophy. 24 Both foci of power, 'chief' and 'party leader' have often been present in personal union (e.g. Mbelebele brigade: Mbelebelebeni was one of Shaka’s military barracks. The use of traditional oral forms in black South African literature. Then, it becomes fertile to say that izibongo are 'signs and tools' of a flexible and historically adaptable structure of traditional authority: they signify and support reasonable rulership, for the good of society. 1963. T. Cope, ed., Izibongo. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. In Anthropolog)~ of Art and Aestlzetics, ed. 5th printing. I have a name… Shaka Xhosa an incredible South African poet. This is part of the various intertwining layers relevant to the aesthetics of the genre. This means that the ruler has full authority and responsibility as long as he accepts his 'subordination to the political order' (Gluckman 1963: 134); his particular rule is subject to being in accord with the socially defined standards of rulership, and thus to a form of public consensus .20 Such consensus would be constituted more by a decision on the procedural form of the social constitution of norms than by a decision on any concrete contents of norms, which would thereby be set absolutely beyond their contextual historical scope. Tltis principle, in combination with the poet's obligation (a)to paint a full and true picture of the praised and the social life involved, arzd. But, as we have seen that the freedonz to criticize can also be understood as an obligatiorz to do so, a similar ambiguity is possible for ritual licence. Creating the verbal art of izibongoimplies the performer's resl~onsibility and accountability for his performance. But in reminding them, the ritual dramatization may actually be deluding the people that they are 'in charge' while the ruler is in fact as powerful and dominant as ever. On the one hand, from the ruler to the people, all the feats and qualities of the ruler -and thus, inherently, of the whole social community which he represents -are to be celebrated, with the effect of reinforcing a feeling of social pride, strength and solidarity. But the recitals cannot per se be described as rituals, especially the performance of izibongo of rulers with its functions of public criticism and mediation of power. Nyembezi has shown how many allusions to contemporary social history in terms of such rivalries, conflicts and triumphs are woven into the izibongoof the Zulu kings, often so subtle and witty that they are impossible to understand without thorough knowledge of the context. Izibongoof the ancestors seemingly10 have to be recited on the various occasions of sacrifice (Krige 1936: 292; Rycroft & Ngcobo 1988: 26), and their recitation at festivals evokes their presence and assures the community of their support (M. Kunene 1976: 30). Bryant, A.T. 1949. Ngcobo 1988: 21-24). Vail, L. and L.White. Thus, a hardly determinable quantity and quality of freedom in art distinguishes a potentially 'moral' sphere from a 'mechanical' one, and a 'regulative' discourse from a 'regulated' one, art from ritual -at least as far as the examples discussed here are concerned. Historically, stanzas, like many of the stylistic traits of this poetry, seem to have been developed in the 'Shakan' period of Zulu literature, in about 1800- 1850 (Cope 1968, following M. Kunene: 50ff) -which already displays a crucial influence of the political on poetical form. 1989. For ruler-centred societies the presence of such a common platform is especially crucial in order to shield the people from an arbitrary rule. Ruling has to adhere to the socially defined public opinion; if this is ignored or violated, social order becomes unstable. The magical power of words in izibongo derives from the art of poetry.23. Ideology and ideological state apparatuses. Pp. 'Anything can be taken into a praise name by the simple process of nominalising' (Gunner & Gwala 1991: 31; cf. (b) to contribute to a socially accepted, just progression of social life, leads to izibongo being regarded as documenting and forming a self-descriptive and normative social discourse of Zulu society. Cope's Izibongo: Zulu Praise-poems ( 1 968) - part of the Oxford University Press series on oral poetry from southern Africa - remains probably the most valuable text on Zulu izibongo. Unknown 8/11/17 2:51 PM. Smith Pierre. Therefore, a central task of this paper is to evolve a model of the political discourse in a society from within art, namely the specific form of art that izibongoconstitute. New York: Heinemann. Zulu izibongo: a survey of documentary sources. Ferocious one who devoured the cattle of the traders, And ate up those that were with Mandeku at Mlambo, He destroyed the wild little people belonging to the Mbengi, He who slaughtered a cow before the cattle went out to graze, Anyone who liked could come to him at home. Izibongo Zulu praise poems James Stuart Anthony Trevor. Dhlomo, H.I.E. Mafeje 1963). The kingdom of the Zulu in South Africa. x230OxfordClarendon Press1968. In regard to the historical context, izibongo fulfil an essential function in conserving and transmitting social consciousness. The technology of enchantment and the enchantment of technology. In this way, the eminent socio-regulative contribution of art, which has the potential to interrelate all different aspects of society, becomes once more obvious. Gell, A. by. by Chr. In: L'Homme, 1969, tome 9 n°1. Consequently, the potential influence of the izibongo -and the irnbongi who composes and performs them -on the political dynamics of society can hardly be overestimated; in izibongothey are reflected and re-initiated. Jordan (1959: 101). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. The reference is to two treaties made by Mphande in 1843, the first with the British defining the borders of Natal and Zululand, the second with the Boers concerning territory beside the Klip River.

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