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Quotations Database
16 years in the making, this 36,000 motivational quote search engine can identify quotations by the name of the author, keyword, gender, general ethnicity, and by phrase. It’s yours to use for free. I think it is the most diverse, deep, and far-reaching quotation search engine on values, ethics, and wisdom anywhere in the Milky Way galaxy. Enjoy! – Jason
Howard Zinn was not a saint. None of us are. It’s important to remember that whatever revolution we make, it has to be made with people as they are, with all the contradictions that come with living under capitalism. There is no other way for it to happen. But in the course of trying to change the world, with others, we change ourselves, and new possibilities emerge. There are, from time to time, people who can crystallize the aims or goals of a movement in an especially compelling way. Who can rally greater numbers of people to take a particular action or, in the case of Howard Zinn, make a lifelong commitment to activism. But such people cannot substitute for a movement. Howard Zinn’s death this week at the age of 87 was a loss that should have drawn much more attention from a press corps that spends an inordinate amount of its time obsessing idiotically over the likes of Tiger Woods and John Edwards. Think of what this country would have been like if those ordinary people had never bothered to fight and sometimes die for what they believed in. Howard Zinn refers to them as ‘the people who have given this country whatever liberty and democracy we have.’ Who is the most influential historian in America? Could it be Pulitzer Prize winners Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. or Joseph Ellis or David McCullough, whose scholarly works have reached a broad literary public? The answer is none of the above. The accolade belongs instead to the unreconstructed, anti-American Marxist Howard Zinn, whose cartoon anti-history of the United States is still selling 128,000 copies a year twenty years after its original publication. Many of those copies are assigned readings for courses in colleges and high schools taught by leftist disciples of their radical mentor. Howard Zinn’s gone. Gone, now, just when we need him the most. But his whole life he has been pointing us in the right direction. Don’t be impressed by the men in suits. Don’t listen to the pseudo-scientific babble of the high priests of the economy. Take things in your own hands, work for what’s right, make a bold move in the direction of the common good. It’s you and me who have to get up front and grab the wheel. We have to do it now – we have no time to waste. Howard Zinn labored long and hard on his masterpiece, always retaining that astonishing mixture of humor and humility that made him such a unique and irreplaceable treasure. No one ever wrote or spoke with a greater instinct for the True and Vital. His unfailing instinct for what is just and important never failed him — or us. The gentle, lilting sound of his voice put it all to unforgettable music that will resonate through the ages. Like Eugene V. Debs, it is no cliché to say that Howard Zinn truly lives uniquely on at the core of our national soul. His People’s History and the gift of his being just who he was, remains an immeasurable, irreplaceable treasure. The insistence on building more nuclear weapons, when we already possess more than enough to destroy the world, is based on ‘realism.’ There is no flag large enough to cover the shame of killing innocent people. How many times have the dreams of young people—the desire to help others; to devote their lives to the sick or the poor; or to poetry, music, or drama—been demeaned as foolish romanticism, impractical in a world where one must ‘make a living’? It is a crucial act of independent thinking to be skeptical of someone else’s description of reality. What do I do when pessimism strikes? I get together with other people. I’m encouraged when I get together with other people who feel the way I do about things, and I realize I’m not alone. Or I’ll turn to the arts. The great poets and the writers were almost always progressive people who saw beyond the politics. So I’ll read Mark Twain and Helen Keller and Upton Sinclair and Tolstoy and Thoreau. I’ll read things that are encouraging and uplifting. What is important is how closely we look today at what is done to human beings, what criteria we use for “progress.” We are accustomed to measuring the state of the nation by the numbers on the stock market rather than by how many children die of malnutrition. Behind the claim of someone giving us an objective picture of the real world is assumption that we all have the same interests, and so we can trust the one who describes the world for us, because that person has our interests at heart. In the United States today, the Declaration of Independence hangs on schoolroom walls, but foreign policy follows Machiavelli. [confronted about my patriotism], I tried to explain that my love was for the country, for the people, not for whatever government happened to be in power. To believe in democracy was to believe in the principles of the Declaration of Independence — that government is an artificial creation, established by the people to defend the equal right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I interpreted “everyone” to include men, women, and children all over the world, who have a right to life not to be taken away by their own government or ours. …Is it really in keeping with the American ideal of equality of all peoples to insist that we have the right to control the affairs of other countries? Are we the only country entitled to a Declaration of Independence? There should be clues to the rightness of the ends we pursue by examining the means we use to achieve those ends. I am assuming there is always some connection between ends and means. Why would the citizen tie his or her fate to the nation-state, which is perfectly willing to sacrifice the lives and liberties of its own citizens for the power, the profit, and the glory of politicians or corporate executives or generals? We are seeing the beginning of the end of the American empire. Expansionism, with its accompanying excuses, seems to be a constant characteristic of the nation-state, whether liberal or conservative, socialist or capitalist. To establish the principles of the Declaration of Independence, we are going to need to go outside the law, to stop obeying the laws that demand killing or that allocate wealth the way it has been done, or that put people in jail for petty technical offense and keep other people out of jail for enormous crimes. In the year 1984, Forbes magazine, a leading periodical for high finance and big business, drew up a list of the wealthiest individuals in the United States. The top 400 had assets totaling $60 billion. At the bottom of the population there were 60 million people who had no assets at all. These, in terse summary, are the facts we tend either to ignore or to so mix into the rich potpourri of American history as to obscure them. Extricated, they force us to deal with them alongside the kindly view of our society as a summit of liberal, democratic achievement in world history. A bit of historical perspective may help us to deal, in our own time, with the missionary-soldiers of other nations and of ours. After my own experience in that war, I had moved away from my own rather orthodox view that there are just wars and unjust wars, to a universal rejection of war as a solution to any human problem. Of all the positions I have taken over the years on questions of history and politics, this has undoubtedly aroused the most controversy. What have I learned? That small acts of resistance to authority, if persisted in, may lead to large social movements. That ordinary people are capable of extraordinary acts of courage. That those in power who confidently say “never” to the possibility of change may live to be embarrassed by those words. That the world of social struggle is full of surprises, as the common moral sense of people germinates invisibly, bubbles up, and at certain points in history brings about victories that may be small, but carry large promise. One of his books is called The Art of War. That title might make artists uneasy. Indeed, artists—poets, novelists, and playwrights as well as musicians, painters, and actors—have shown a special aversion to war. The Catholic Church has a specific doctrine of ‘just’ and ‘unjust’ war, worked out in some detail. Political philosophers today argue about which wars, or which actions in wars, may be considered just or unjust. Beyond both viewpoints—the glorification of war and the weighing of good and bad wars—there is a third: that war is just too evil to be just. If you look through high school textbooks and elementary school textbooks in American history, you will find Andrew Jackson the frontiersman, soldier, democrat, man of the people — not Jackson the slaveholder, land speculator, executioner of dissident soldiers, exterminator of Indians. The argument that there are just wars often rests on the social system of the nation engaging in war. It is supposed that if a ‘liberal’ state is at war with a ‘totalitarian’ state, then the war is justified. The beneficent nature of a government is assumed to give rightness to the wars it wages. Athens was more democratic than Sparta, but this did not affect its addiction to warfare, to expansion into other territories, to the ruthless conduct of war against helpless peoples. The American system is the most ingenious system of control in world history. An entire nation is made into mercenaries, being paid with a bit of democracy at home for participating in the destruction of life abroad. The government may try to deceive the people, and the newspapers and television may do the same, but the truth has a way of coming out. The truth has a power greater than a hundred lies. Here in the United States, we are brought up to believe that our nation is different from others, an exception in the world, uniquely moral; that we expand into other lands in order to bring civilization, liberty, democracy. But if you know some history you know that’s not true. In Chicago the Socialist party had won 3.6 percent of the vote in 1915 and it got 34.7 percent in 1917. But with the advent of war, speaking against it became a crime; Debs and hundreds of other Socialists were imprisoned. Indeed, when the war was studied ears later, it was clear that no rational decision based on any moral principle had led the nations into war. Rather, there were imperial rivalries, greed for more territory, and lusting for national prestige, and the stupidity of revenge. On our side are colossal forces. There is the desire for survival of five billion people. There are the courage and energy of the young, once their adventurous spirit is turned toward the ending of war rather than the waging of war, creation rather than destruction, and world friendship rather than hatred of those on the other side of national boundaries. If anything was left to that romantic view of war, it was totally extinguished when, at eighteen, I read a book by a Hollywood screenwriter named Dalton Trumbo (jailed in the 1950s for refusing to talk to the House Committee on Un-American Activities about his political affiliations). The book was called Johnny Got His Gun. It is perhaps, the most powerful antiwar novel ever written. Let’s be honest about the fact that we are selecting things according to our point of view, according to our values. And I have particular values: I’m opposed to war, I’m opposed to economic injustice, I’m opposed to racial injustice. I’m going to look at American history for information which deals with those subjects and throws light on those subjects. For him, the oratory of the politicians who sent him off to war—the language of freedom, democracy, and justice—is now seen as the ultimate hypocrisy. The common moral sense of people … bubbles up, and at certain points in history, brings about victories that may be small, but carry large promise. [In this country, in our main universities], we don’t have a free market of ideas; the market of ideas is dominated by very orthodox, establishment opinions generally in favor of militarism, military heroism, superpatriotism, and the American economic system. That’s what dominates the American marketplace. Class consciousness accounted for some of my feeling about war. I agreed with the judgment of the Roman biographer Plutarch, who said, ‘The poor go to war, to fight and die for the delights, riches, and superfluities of others.’ Those of us who call for the repudiation of massive violence to solve human problems must sound utopian, romantic. So did those who demanded the end of slavery. But utopian ideas do become realistic at certain points in history, when the moral power of an idea mobilizes large numbers of people in its support. There was no reason to think that it was Japan’s bombing of civilians at Pearl Harbor that caused us to declare war. Japan’s attack on China in 1937, her massacre of civilians at Nanking, and her bombardments of helpless Chinese cities had not provoked the United States to war. Raul Hilberg, in his classic work on the Holocaust, says, ‘From 1938 to 1940, Hitler made extraordinary and unusual attempts to bring about a vast emigration scheme…. The Jews were not killed before the emigration policy was literally exhausted.’ The Nazis found that the Western powers were not anxious to cooperate in emigration and that no one wanted the Jews. Small acts, when multiplied by millions of people, can transform the world.
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Today's Quote
Try not to become a person of success, but rather try to become a person of value.
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